The Humiliation of Ashley Eden’s Mission, 1864

 

With the utter failure of Pemberton’s mission in 1838, the disputes along the Bengal and Assam duars equally persisted. There were frequent incidents of robbery, abduction, and minor clashes between the officials along the frontiers. When the central government of Bhutan was engulfed in the incessant civil war, the frontiers officials often took advantage of the weak system and continues to engage in frequent outrages along the duars. On the other hand, after the failure of the previous mission, the British did not see any prospects in sending the mission to Bhutan to resolve the duars dispute besides the turmoil in the central administration in Bhutan further discouraged the idea of the mission. In ensuing internal conflicts, the situation along the duars remained unchecked. By 1840, two duars of Assam, Khaling and Buri Gumar were annexed by the British even without any resistance from the Bhutanese. By then, the fertile soil of Assam duars has also become a major tea cultivation which was the highest revenue contributor for the EIC. By 1841, all seven duars[1] of Assam were annexed by the British without much protest from the Bhutanese. In return, the British would pay a sum of Rupees 10,000 per year to Bhutan.

Completely embroiled in the internecine internal conflicts, outrages and insurrections along Bengal duars[2] also continued unabated. Vexed by the frequent outrages, the British occupied Ambari Fallakotta of Bengal which was ceded to Bhutan in 1774. Lost in the internal turmoil, Bhutan could not keep in constant touch with the British though it was theoretically believed to have a cordial relationship with the British. With no breakthrough in incessant frontiers issues, the British even threatened to annex all the duars of Bengal. However, taking a soft approach, the British decided to dispatch a mission. A messenger was sent to Bhutan to inform of the impending mission but received an elusive response from the 45^th Desi Nagzi Pasang. Though Bhutan was not in a favourable position to receive a mission, the British pressed on dispatching the mission soon. Under the governorship of Lord Elgin, Ashley Eden was appointed as the British envoy to Bhutan on 11 August 1863. The main objective of the mission was to explain to the Bhutanese authority the circumstances which led to the annexation of Ambari Fallakotta. Eden was furnished with the draft treaty and wanted to have a treaty between the British and Bhutan. Eden at his discretion was authorised to negotiate and make some minor changes to the treaty. He was also to explore the trade opportunities in Bhutan and the possibility of establishing a British agent in Bhutan.

With those objectives, Eden and his party set off from Darjeeling on 4 January 1864. Eden was accompanied by Cheboo Lama (then prime minister of Sikkim) as the interpreter, Dr Benjamin Simpson, and Captain Henry Haversham Godwin-Austen as the second-in-command for the mission. It was said that the mission at the onset itself had faced problems when coolies began to desert the team. The mission travelled crossed Kalimpong and travelled to Haa battling the heavy snow via Sibsoo. The mission even lost two men due to extreme coldness. Despite strong objections from the Desi, the mission continued and reached Paro in March 1864. After halting for a few days, Eden left Paro on 10 March 1864. The mission finally reached Punakha on 15 March 1864 at a time of precarious situation of political instability. Arriving at the outskirt of Punakha, Eden did not see any sign of welcome though the messenger was sent ahead of them. To their disappointment, the mission was directed to enter from the back road and prevented from entering the main gate of the Dzong. While in Punakha, Eden noticed that the garden once admired by Turner in 1783 no longer existed and wrote, “Everything about the place is gone to ruin and decay during the great internal struggles for the place which have for so many years convulsed the country. Scarcely a house was to be seen in the neighbourhood of the Palace, though there were the outer shells of many destroyed from time to time in the struggles to obtain possession of the Fort.” Although Kagyu Wangchuck was the Desi at the time, Eden observed Trongsa Penlop was a de facto ruler of Bhutan.

 

Two days later on 17 March 1864, Eden and the party were summoned to meet the state council, which Eden called Amlah in a house near Dzong. They had to pass the disorderly crowd and were mocked with the throwing of stones and sticks. They were made to wait in sun in front the hundreds of people before meeting the members of the council consisting of Dzongpoens of Thimphu (then Khasar Tobgye) and Punakha (then Tashi), Zhung Dronyer (chief protocol?), Deb Zimpoen (then Tsundro Gyeltshen), and Trongsa Poenlop Jigme Namgyel. No ceremonial formalities before the meeting were observed and Trongsa Penlop headed the proceeding. In the light of language barrier, Trongsa Poenlop suggested Cheboo lama visit him daily with the mission’s proposal and in turn, will acquaint the mission with the response of the council. Cheboo Lama discussed the articles of the treaty with Trongsa Poenlop over the next two days and there were no positive outcomes. Vexed of waiting, upon insisting, Eden was granted an audience with Desi and Dharma Raja on 20 March 1864. Like before, they were jostled through the crowd before the council and made to take seats on the mats in the sun. Eden observed that both the Desi and Dharma Raja had no say, rather Trongsa Peonlop proclaimed to conduct the proceeding on their behalf. At the meeting, Trongsa Poenlop demanded that a new clause should be added to the effect that all Assam Duars should be handed back to Bhutan immediately. Trongsa Poenlop further added that If his condition is fulfilled, all other clauses would be accepted and if not, there would be no further discussion. Completely taken aback, Eden protested and explains the reason for the annexation of Assam Duars and the issue was closed for twenty years. Besides, Eden had no authority to discuss the matter of Assam Duars but was empowered only to discuss the issue of Ambari Fallakotta of Bengal. To this, Trongsa Peonlop crumpled up the treaty and declared: “Then he declared, “Then we will have war; you are nobody; you have no authority from the Governor General. We didn’t want Ambari Fallakotta; and as to the demands of the government of India, a chupprassi (messenger) might have been sent to settle them. I will have nothing more to do with you; go.”[3] With no breakthrough in the negotiation, the mission prepares to leave but was held back by the messenger of the member of the council. Other members of the council ensure their support for the draft treaty and the return of the Assam was not required as demanded by Trongsa Poenlop. The mission postponed their departure and insisted on the exclusion of the Assam Duars topic and Trongsa Poenlop from the next meeting.

 

At the next meeting on 22 March 1864, Eden observed two new members of the council, Darlung Tobgye, the Dzongpon of Wangdiphodrang and Kawang Mangkhel, a chief state protocol. To Eden’s utter surprise, Trongsa Peonlop walks in to head the meeting and the draft treaty was read out. In the subsequent on 24 March 1864, tents were pitched at the mission’s side of the river and the meeting took place at one of the tents. At the meeting, after reading the first two articles, To Eden’s dismay, Trongsa Peonlop again stated that Assam Duars should be returned as soon as the treaty is signed along with the revenue of the duars him since the annexation in 1841. To Eden’s disappointment, he saw all the other members laughing and amusing whom he trusted with their support in the meeting. Then, the members of the mission were told to go on to another tent where they were mocked and ridiculed amidst the huge crowd. Then, Trongsa Peonlop took a large piece of wet dough and began to rub it on Eden’s face, at the same time pulling his hair. Wangdiphodrang Dzongpoen went on to the greater extent of forcing Dr Simpson to eat some areca nuts which he had been chewing. On refusal, he threw it in the face. At the same time, Wangdi Dzongpoen pulled off the watch from Cheboo lama’s neck and passed it on to one of the members, and returned later after realizing he had gone too far. The mission did not receive any support from other members as agreed earlier. As the British leaves the meeting, Trongsa Peonlop shouted after them, “I want nothing but the Assam duars and if I don’t get them, it is better to have war than a treaty; I will write to the Governor General.” [4]

 

Before the mission could leave on the following, Cheboo Lama was summoned and handed over a new treaty to be signed which states that Assam Duars should be returned to Bhutan. Trongsa Peonlop threatened to imprison Eden and Cheboo lama while the Wangdiphodrang Dzongpoen went even further to kill them if they refused to sign the new treaty. Meanwhile, the presents from the Governor General had arrived and it was hastily divided among the members of the council which managed to pacify the council members for a time. A final meeting was conducted on 27 March 1864. For the first time, Eden and his mission were entreated inside the Dzong with respect and ceremonial formalities were also followed. Fearing for his life and the mission’s safety, Eden finally yielded to the pressure and signed the new treaty prepared by the Bhutanese. Eden added the words ‘under compulsion’ after his signature to indicate that it was done under force. However, the Bhutanese council believed it was a voluntary endorsement. After signing, the members of the mission were led to the tent of Desi and Dharma Raja. They were offered white scarves which Eden believed had to be been done at the first meeting. 

Translation of the document that Eden signed under compulsion in 1864

Agreement:

That from today there shall always be friendship between the Feringees (English) and the Bhotanese. Formerly the Dharma Raja and the Company's Queen were of one mind, and the same friendship exists to the present day. Foolish men on the frontier having caused a disturbance, certain men belonging to the British power, living on the frontier have taken Bulisusan (Julpigorie?) between Cooch Behar and the Kam Raja, and Ambaree, near the border of Sikkim, and then between Banska and Gowalparah, Rangamuttee, Bokalibaree, Motteeamaree, Papareebaree, Arioetta, and then the seven Eastern Dooars. Then certain bad men on the Bhoteah side stole men, cattle, and other property, and committed thefts and robberies, and the Feringees' men plundered property and burnt-down houses in Bhotan. By reason of these bad men remaining, the ryots suffered great trouble; and on this account, the Governor-General, with good intention, sent an envoy, Mr Eden, with letters and presents, and sent with him Cheeboo Lama, the Minister of Sikkim, and on their coming to the Dharma and Deb Rajas, making the petition, a settlement of a permanent nature has been made by both parties. The Dharma Raja will send one agent to the east and one to the west; when they shall arrive on the frontier of the Company's territory, they shall, after an interview with the Feringees' agents, receive back the tracts above-mentioned belonging to Bhotan, and after these shall be given back, and on full proof being given against persons charged with cattle stealing, & c., the Feringees will surrender such offenders to the Bhotanese, and the Bhotanese will in like manner surrender offenders to the Feringees. After that, each shall take charge of his own territory, look after his own ryots, remain on friendly terms, and commit no aggressions, and the subjects of either State going into the neighbouring State shall be treated as brothers.

If, notwithstanding, any bad men on either side shall commit any aggression, the rulers of the place in which the offender lives shall seize and punish him. And as Cheeboo Lama is the interpreter between the Feringees and the Bhoteahs, the Sikkimese are therefore henceforth to assist the Bhoteahs. We have written that the settlement is permanent; but who knows, perhaps this settlement is made with one word in the mouth and two in the heart. If therefore, this settlement is false, the Dharma Raja's demons (names omitted) will, after deciding who is true or false, take his life, take out his liver and scatter it to the winds like ashes. The Bhotan army will take possession of Sikkim, and if the Raja of Cooch Behar shall attempt to take any land belonging to Bhotan, the Bhotan Government, the Sikkim Government, and the Company will invade Cooch Behar. If the Feringees attempt to take land from Bhotan, the Bhoteahs, Sikkimese, and Beharees will invade the Company's territory; and if the Bihar Raja shall invade Sikkim the Bhotanese, Sikkimese, and the Company shall invade Behar. Whichever of the four States, Bhotan, Feringees, Behar, and Sikkim commit aggression, the other three shall punish it; and if, whilst this agreement remains, any other enemy shall arise to any of the States, the other shall all assist him. This agreement is made between the Feringees and the Bhotanese. And this is the seal of the Dharma and Deb Rajas.                                               

                                                                                  The seal here is attached.

 

                                                                                                                                                                              Ashley Eden

                                                                                                                                                                        (Under compulsion)

The year Singee, 21st month, Danopipa

Source: Adapted from Singh’s Bhutan a Kingdom in the Himalayas: A study of the land, its people and their Government (1972)

On 29 March 1864, after the Trongsa Poenlop left for Trongsa, the mission set off from Punakha in the evening. After encountering inexhaustible obstacles, the mission could finally move from Paro on 2 April where Eden notice the Peonlop was preparing for another fresh mutiny. Like his predecessors, Eden gave a detailed description of Bhutan’s governance, economy, religion, culture, and military. Considering the mistreatment at the hands of the Bhutanese, Eden gave mostly pessimistic observations of Bhutan which would require readers to read the accounts with a pinch of salt. However, Eden’s report on Bhutan’s military was proved wrong during the Duar war in 1864-1865 when the British endure a difficult campaign and suffered heavy losses at the hands of the Bhutanese. Eden wrote, “The garrisons at Paro, Punakha and Trongsa consisted of about 1400 men whom only 600 were armed with matchlocks. They had little ammunition and it took three men to fire a single matchlock. They had little confidence in their firearms and preferred their knives, bows, arrows although they were not very good archers.” The mission of 1864 was an utter disaster and at the same time, it bruised the reputation of British India. Aftermath the failed mission, the relationship between Bhutan and the British were strained and consequently led to the Duar War of 1864-1865.

Bibliography

Collister, P. (1987). Bhutan and the British. London: Serindia Publications.

Eden, A., Pemberton, R. B., & Bose, K. K. (1865). Political missions to Bootan. Printed at the Bengal Secretariat Office.

Singh, N. (1972). Bhutan a Kingdom in the Himalayas: A study of the land, its people and their Government. New Delhi: Thomson Press (India) Limited.

Phuntsho. K. (2013). The history of Bhutan. India: Random House Publishers India Private Limited.

 

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[1] Seven duars: Booree-Goomah Duar, Khaling Duar, Ghurkolla Duar, Banska Duar, Chappagoorie Duar, Chappakhamar Duar, and Bijnee Duar.

[2] 11 Bengal Duars: Dalimcote Duar, Moinagoroo Duar, Chamoorchee Duar, Luckee Duar, Buxa Duar, Bhulka Duar, Bara Duar, Goomar Duar, Reepo Duar, Cherrung Duar, and Bagh Duar.

[3] Read Collister’s British and Bhutan (1987) and Political missions to Bootan (1865)

[4] Read Collister’s British and Bhutan (1987) and Political missions to Bootan (1865)

The First British Political Officer to enter Bhutan from the East: The Mission of Captain Robert Boileau Pemberton , 1838

 

A route of 1836 mission (photo credit: R. B. Pemberton, as depicted in Report on Bootan, 1838)

After the visits of Kishen Kant Bose Bhutan in 1815, Bhutan did not receive any mission from British India until 1838. However, Bhutan was embroiled in frequent internal strife and the territorial dispute with British India was far from over. Before 1826, Bhutan only had direct boundary contact with British India along the 11 duars of Bengal. The five duars of Assam were under Bhutan’s possession and in turn, Bhutan make an annual payment[1] to the Ahom ruler of Assam. The British at the time had no control over Assam. However, the aftermath of the Anglo-Burmese war (1824-1826) had significant impacts on the Bhutan-British friendship scenario. To give a brief background of the Anglo-Burmese war, Burma began its expansion towards the north and reached Assam by 1817. In the following years, the Burmese forces caused devastating damage and led to refugees pouring into British territory. This ultimately led to a full-scale war between the British and Burma. In 1826, the Burmese were defeated and the British fully took control of Assam. With the British taking control of Assam, Bhutan was now in direct border contact with the whole stretch of southern frontiers exacerbating the already territorial disputes.

After taking the control of Assam, the British’s pro-Bhutan policy began to decline. Until now, the British policy had been to favour Bhutan in hope of opening a trade relationship with China through Tibet via Bhutan. With the taking control of Assam and the defeat of the Burmese, the British no longer feel obliged to mollify Bhutan at the same time found it attractive to open trade routes to China. Besides, the existing arrangement of Bhutan paying an annual payment for seven duars continued even after 1826, but now to the British. However, the British were not pleased with the existing payment from Bhutan and there were frequent cases of cross-border raids and counter-raids from both parties. Since the British’s annexation of Assam in 1826, Anglo-Bhutanese friendship entered into a complicated phase. However, though there is no significant benefit from Bhutan, the British still hope to communicate with Tibet and China. In addition, even after four decades of friendship with Bhutan, the British could not fathom the complete geography and politics of the country. Significantly, although China had no influence on Bhutan in reality, the British feared the Chinese influence in Bhutan. Thus, to assess Bhutan’s political situation, particularly the presence of Chinese (Phuntsho, 2013), then governor-general, Lord of Auckland, George Eden (r.1836-1842) dispatched a mission to Bhutan in 1838 under Captain Robert Boileau Pemberton.

Pemberton was accompanied by the surgeon Dr W.M. Griffith (as well the Botanist), Ensign Blake, twenty-seven soldiers, and ninety assorted camp followers. Unlike his predecessors Bogle and Turner who set off from the south, Pemberton made his journey from the east of Bhutan in hope of exploring the unknown geography. Although Bhutan was not willing to receive any mission due to incessant internal strife, Pemberton and his party set out on 21 December 1837. Pemberton and his party reached Dewathang on 23 January 1838. From Dewathang, Pemberton travelled via Trashigang, Trashiyangtse, Lhuentse, Bumthang, Trongsa, Wangdi and Punakha. Although the mission was to take the route from Mongar, the envoy was advised to take a detour along Trashiyangtse and Lhuentse. At the time, Zhongar Dzongpoen along with his brother, then Dagana Penlop were rebelling against the Desi in Punakha. Though it took the envoy a longer time it allowed Pemberton to explore more unknown geography and people.

After a fortnight’s journey from Dewathang through Trashigang, Pemberton reached Tassyassee (Trashiyangtse) on 10 February 1838. From Trashiyangtse, the party crossed ‘Dhongla pass[2]’ and descended through the present-day Minjey towards Lhuentse Dzong. It was probably while descending the Dhongla pass, that Dr Griffith had a frightening experience of getting lost from the group amidst the dreary woods by approaching night.  After crossing Kooree (Kurichhu), they visited Lingee (Lhuentse Dzong) and met with the governor whom they described as a young man with a good-humoured countenance. From Lhuentse Dzong, they left for Bumthang via Tumashoo (Tangmachu) on 23 February 1838.

On 26 February 1838, after crossing Oongar village, Pemberton and his party ascended the snow-covered paths and crossed the Rodhungla[3] pass. Pemberton wrote while crossing the steep and narrow Rodhungla, “A gap between two rocks barely wide enough to admit a loaded pony” and observed one rock inscribed with the Buddhist syllable ‘Om Mani Padme Hum.’ Pemberton described the descent from Rodhungla pass as steep and difficult. It might be due to its steepness, it was said that even the lords would have to dismount from the pony while crossing Rodhungla and it gave rise to a prominent phrase which still is heard in the present days which goes:

སྐྱིད་སྡུག་སྙོམས་པའི་རོ་གདུང་ལ།།

གོངམ་དཔོན་གཡོག་མེད་པར་ས་ལས་མས།།

After ascending the Rodhungla, Pemberton and his party passed through Bumthang valley and Griffith wrote ‘Bhoomluntung’. The party very seemed to have enchanted by the beauty of Bumthang valley. Griffith wrote, “The valley altogether is a beautiful one, and actually repays one for the trouble endured in getting access to it. This valley is certainly the prettiest place we have yet seen, the left bank is particularly level, but neither is of much breadth, the hills adjacent present rounded grassy patches interspersed with beautiful groves of pines. The level space, as well as the more favourable sites on the slopes of the hills, are occupied by wheat cultivation, which is carried on in a more workman-like manner, than any of the previous cultivation I have hitherto seen.”

After visiting Jakar Dzong though the governor then was absent, they proceeded toward Trongsa on 4 March 1838. After crossing Yotongla, the party reached Trongsa and halted for a few days. They met with Trongsa Penlop and seems Pemberton and Griffith were not pleased with the treatment they received. Griffith wrote, “Although the second place in the kingdom, is a poor wretched village, the houses, always excepting the palace, are poorer than ordinary, abounding in rats, fleas, and other detestable vermin. Our reception would seem to be uncordial: we are miserably housed in the heart of the village, which is a beggarly one.”

A sketch by Griffith, probably before reaching Chendebji, 1838 (as depicted in journals of travels in Assam, Burma, Bootan, Afghanistan and the neighbouring countries, 1839)

Pemberton and his party left Trongsa on 23 March 1838 and crossed Mangdechhu after a steep descent. After days of journey, they arrived at Chendebji and described it as the most romantic and prettiest place ever seen on their journey. After crossing Pelela, and passing through Wangdiphodrang, Pemberton’s mission finally reached Punakha on 1 April 1838 and Griffith described Punakha as a most barren dried-up country. Despite the magnificent Dzong and its beauteous surrounding, it seems Pemberton and Griffith were not pleased with the treatment they received from the Desi. By the time mission arrived in Punakha, Dorji Norbu, the Penlop of Dagana and his brother Chakpa Sangay, the Zhongar Dzongpoen had already ousted the reigning Desi Chokyi Gyeltshen. Dorji Norbu became the 37^th Desi in Punakha. On the other hand, the supporters of Chokyi Gyeltshen had already installed Tashi Dorji, Dzongpoen of Thimphu to the throne and prevented the summer migration of the central government to Thimphu. In ensuing internal conflict, Pemberton met Desi Dorji Norbu on 9 April 1838. Pemberton also managed to meet young Dharma Raja Jigme Norbu a few days later. However, despite having a cordial meeting, Pemberton failed the negotiation and he was vexed by Bhutan’s disunity. Although Desi accepted the terms of the 12 points agreement, he did not sign the agreement on the ground of Trongsa Penlop’s rejection. Toward the end of Pemberton’s report, he wrote, “With such a government it is sufficiently evident that negotiation is utterly hopeless. Its nominal head is powerless and the real authority of the country is vested in the two barons of Trongsa and Paro who divide it between them.” Completely disappointed, Pemberton set off from Punakha to India on 9 May 1838. Pemberton neither could negotiate nor visit Lhasa from Bhutan. It was said that the fighting between the two factions, Dorji Norbu and supporters of Chokyi Gyeltshen resumed as soon as the mission left Punakha. The mission travelled through Thimphu, Chukha, and Buxa Duar and finally entered India on 19 May 1838.

Like his predecessor Kishen Kant Bose, Pemberton made an in-depth observation and detailed reports of Bhutan including central administration, vegetation, agriculture, economy, foreign relation, internal politics, and social life of the Bhutanese. In some cases, Pemberton made contrasting views of what Kishen Kant Bose observed in 1815. Although he gave a complete account of Bhutan, given the mistreatment received at the hands of the Bhutanese in the ensuing turmoil, his report was generally negative. However, at the EIC, Pemberton did not recommend the drastic policy of total annexation of all duars of Bengal and Assam since the Bhutanese economy was heavily dependent on the wealth and trade of duars. Instead, he recommended the governor to take control of Assam duars to punish Trongsa Peonlop as aggression on the British takes place under his jurisdiction and also Peonlop opposed the ratification of the treaty proposed. Pemberton also proposed establishing a British agent in Bhutan to check external influence and internal misrule.

Phuntsho (2013) wrote, “The Pemberton mission marked the end of the forbearing and pro-Bhutan policy the British adopted and the beginning of a strict and punitive approach.” For another two decades, the territorial disputes remained unabated and internal conflicts continued in Bhutan. In another milestone in history, the British dispatched a mission led by Ashley Eden in 1864.

 

Bibliography

Collister, P. (1987). Bhutan and the British. London: Serindia Publications.

Griffith, W., & McClelland, J. (1847). Journals of travels in Assam, Burma, Bootan, Afghanistan and the neighbouring countries (Vol. 2). Bishop's College Press.

Phuntsho. K. (2013). The history of Bhutan. India: Random House Publishers India Private Limited.

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[1] Annual payment to the Ahom ruler includes 37 tolas of gold, 37 bags of musk, 37 yak tails, 37 daggers, 37 blankets, 57 ponies, and 4785 Narrainee rupees (Phuntsho, 2013).

[2] Dhongla lies between Trashiyangtse and Lhuentse. It is an olden route for travellers between Yangtse and Minjey, Lhuentse.

[3] Rodhungla Pass lies between Maedtsho under Lhuentse and Tang under Bumthang. It is an olden highway used by travellers between Lhuentse and Bumthang. At the present, the pass is revived as a trekking route.

The Report of Kishen Kant Bose[1] on Bhutan, 1815

 

After the mission of Samuel Turner in 1783, Bhutan and the British enjoyed a cordial relationship and Bhutan did not receive any mission from the British for nearly two decades after 1783. However, Turner’s mission of 1783 did not see any positive outcomes in resolving the territorial issues in the south. The territorial disputes along the southern border continued to persist with frequent minor clashes and incidents of dacoity. With the help of the British military, the ruler of Cooch Bihar took control over Maraghat, an area in the southwest which was ceded to Bhutan by the British in 1774. On the other hand, the Bhutanese failed to provide any evidence to support the claim but insisted the British reinstate the area. At the same time, the British were suspicious that Cooch Bihar was seeking military support from Bhutan to oust the British from Bihar in return for Maraghat. While the British who were already at war with Nepal (Anglo-Nepalese war 1814-1816)[2] cannot afford to engage in a new conflict with Bhutan and Cooch Bihar. At the same time, the British feared Nepal might instigate China into war and seek military support from Bhutan and other Himalayas countries. It was also said that the British openly requested Bhutan not to support Nepal. Bhutan on the hand assured neutrality in light of the cordial relationship between the two countries.

In such a time of ensuing war and territorial disputes, the British under the governorship of Francis Edward Rawdon (r.1813-1823) sent an Indian official by the name Kishen Kant Bose (Krishna Kanta Basu) on a fact-finding mission to Bhutan in 1815. At the time, Bhutan was under the 30^th reigning Desi Sonam Drukgay. Besides, Bose was to resolve the Maraghat dispute between Bhutan and Cooch Bihar. Unlike his predecessors, Bose approached from Sarpang and passed through Tsirang, and Wangdiphodrang and reached Punakha. Though Bose did not maintain details of his journey, during his months-long stay in Bhutan, he left behind an interesting and in-depth description of Bhutan’s administrative system, lifestyle, economy, agriculture, warfare, people, culture, and natural environment. However, some of his accounts are preposterous and misleading and some historians reason that Bose might have been misinformed and politically motivated too. Although there were no significant outcomes of his mission to Bhutan, later historians commended Bose’s accounts as the finest descriptions of Bhutan’s culture and its people. Bose’s detailed observations of Bhutan are thematised as follows:

1.     Central state Administrative System

Bose observed that Bhutan was ruled under the dual system (Choesi Nyidhen). Except for spiritual and religious matters, Dharma Raja (Je Khenpo) has no authority in internal government and matters related to foreign affairs. People revered Dharma Raja as the spiritual guide. On the other hand, Bose observed that the country is conducted by Deb Raja (Desi) with the advice of counsellors and Dharma Raja in some cases. Bose noted Desi was the principal organ of the government and he compared the Desi to the post of prime minister. The four state counsellors include Zimpoen to Desi, Kalyon to Je Khenpo, Punakha Dzongpoen and Thimphu Dzongpoen. He also noted that Wangdi Dzongpoen, Paro Penlop, Trongsa Penlop, and Dagana Penlop are of the same rank as the four state counsellors. Without the concurrence of these Dzongpoen and Penlops, Desi cannot proceed with the decision. The rest of the rulers of the smaller districts fall under their respective orders. He noticed that during the Punakha Dromchoe, all Penlops and Dzongpoens attend the festival and pay their respect to the Desi. At the time, a great council was held and both the appointment and removal from the different posts and offices takes place.

2.     Military and Warfare

Bose estimated that the total population who can bear arms does not exceed 10,000. He observed that matchlocks in the hands of the Bhutanese were of little use as people hardly hit the target. Mostly, people used bows and arrows and swords to fight. Bose described the Bhutanese as great archers. Preposterously, Bose described the existence of cannibalism at the time he witnessed during the war. He wrote:

“When they fight with a Deb Raja or the Penlops among themselves, they stand at a great distance and fire arrows at each other, and if one of them is killed, both parties rush forward and struggle for their body; whichever of them succeed in getting it, they take out the liver and eat it with butter and sugar; they also mix the fat and blood with turpentine, and making candles thereof, burn them before the shrine of the deity.”

Bose’s distorted claim of the existence of cannibalism in Bhutan is not supported by any of the historians and there are no pieces of evidence to confirm his claim. Even the visit of Bogle in 1774 and Turner in 1783 whose stay of duration in Bhutan was much longer than Bose did not mention such observations anywhere in their journals.

Bose wrote that Bhutanese hardly fights openly. They fire from a distance and attack at night or lay an ambush. Soldiers wear iron caps and quilted jackets. All inhabitants are always armed and men are armed with more than one sword. Bose noticed that most of the conflicts occur during the annual festival and Dromchoe and he explained the reasons for incessant internal conflicts were due to the Desis either retaining power in office for too long or jealousy of the chief officers of the state.

3.     Economy, Trade, and Agriculture

Bose observed that there were bazaars at Paro, Thimphu and Punakha. The main commodities sold were dry fish, tea, butter, coarse cloth, betel, nut, and vegetables. Although Bose did not shed reasons, he noted that rice, pulse, earthen pots, salt, pepper, and turmeric were not procurable. Bhutan exported Tangun horses, blankets, walnuts, musk, cow tails, and oranges to Rangpur and in turn imported woollen clothes, indigo, sandals, dry fish, betel, nut, red sandal, nutmegs, cloves, and coarse cloths. Some of these imported goods are then exported to Tibet along with rice and wheat. From Tibet, the Bhutanese imported tea, silver, gold, and embroidered silk. There was also trade with Assam and Nepal. According to his observations, the chief grains produced in Bhutan are rice, wheat, barley, mustard, and Indian corn and the main fruits grown are walnuts, apples, peaches, oranges, pomegranates, limes, and lemon. There was also one mango tree at Punakha and Wangdiphodrang. Except for ploughing, all other sorts of agricultural work were performed by women.

Interestingly, at the time of Bose’s visit to Bhutan, the country had already started minting the coin using the die which was confiscated from one of the late Raja of Cooch Bihar who was brought to Bhutan in the 1700s. Bose observed that coins were stamped with Narrainee Rupees (coins minted in Cooch Bihar) and Deb Raja add his mark to alter the weight. Other than Deb Raja, nobody has the authority to add a mark on the coin, however, he found mints at Paro, Trongsa and Dagana.

4.     Religion and Beliefs

Bose noted that Bhutanese worshipped images and considered Dharma Raja as a god. People are forbidden to kill an animal for food, but eat which has been killed or died of a natural cause. In contrast, Bose wrote, “They eat the flesh of every sort of animal except pigeon; but if anyone should eat even that he will not lose caste, but merely be exposed to ridicule.” This view is also contradictory and it is less probable in the Buddhist country. People of all walks are religious and found chanting mani. The monks abstain from eating meat every 8^th, 14^th, 24^th, and 30^th of the month. Though monks are forbidden to touch alcohol, Bose wrote monks drink in secret. One of the great religious faith he observed in Bhutanese was sparing the life of all animals (tshethar).

5.     Social and Marriage Custom

Bose made an interesting marriage custom during that time. According to his observation, marriages were contracted through agreements of the parties and no marriage ceremony was conducted during the marriage. After marriage, in most cases, husbands live in the houses of their wives. A rich man is allowed to keep as many wives together whereas two or more poor brothers club together and marry a single woman. In such cases, children call the eldest husband a father and the rest uncles. It was no crime for a man who has relations with any females except a mother.

6.     Judicial and the Legal System

Although there was no written code of law then, the Bhutanese society was strictly regulated by an enforced verbal legal system. Whether this is true or not true, Bose noted that if a man catches another man in adultery with his wife, he can kill the adulterer without scruple. However, in the case of normal manslaughter, a man is liable to pay 125 Rupees to Desi, his counsellors and the family of the deceased. If he fails to pay, the culprit is tied to the dead body and thrown into the river. In case of robbery, the culprit caught is imprisoned for six to one year and sold as a slave, and all his/her relations are subjected to the same punishment. In presence of strict law, Bose had never heard of dacoity or robbery in houses of Bhutan except for a few cases on the highway.

Although the exact date of Bose’s return to Bengal is not known, he is said to have returned the same way he had come. Years later, the British ruled in favour of Bhutan and Maraghat was returned to Bhutan in 1817. Later, Kishen Kant Bose became the collector of Rangpur and it was said that he had set up a bamboo post to mark the frontier. Though Kishen Kant Bose made some exaggerated claims about Bhutan including the existence of cannibalism, he gave a complete description of the country ranging from state administration to lifestyle of the medieval Bhutan.

 

Bibliography

Collister, P. (1987). Bhutan and the British. London: Serindia Publications.

Eden, A., & Pemberton, R. B. (1865). Political missions to Bootan. Printed at the Bengal Secretariat Office.

Phuntsho. K. (2013). The history of Bhutan. India: Random House Publishers India Private Limited.

 

 

 

                                                                                                                     

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[1] A Bengali civil servant working for the East India Company. His original name was Krishna Kanta Basu and transliterated to Kishen Kant Bose.

[2] The Anglo-Nepalese war took place between 1814-1816 due to border tension between Nepal and the British. At the time, the war was caused by the expansionist ambition of the British and Gorkha.

The Accounts of Captain Samuel Turner’s Mission to Bhutan, 1783

 

Route of mission in 1783 (A map by Aris in views of medieval Bhutan: The Diary and Drawings of Samuel Davis 1783) 

After the historical visit of George Bogle in 1774, Bhutan received intermittent missions from the East India Company (EIC). Although Bogle had laid the foundation of intercourse between Bhutan and the EIC in 1774, there were no significant developments in trade and commerce. In addition, the second meeting between Bogle and the Sixth Panchen Lama of Tibet did not take place and consequently, no trade route between the EIC and Tibet was established though Bogle theoretically succeeded in opening the new trade route in 1775. Despite no significant development, Warren Hastings did not lose interest and maintained a cordial relationship with Bhutan and Desi. He dispatched Alexander Hamilton to Bhutan who already made a first visit to Bhutan with Bogle in 1774. Following the same route of the mission in 1774, Hamilton briefly visited Bhutan in 1776. In 1777, Hamilton made his third visit to congratulate the appointment of the new Desi (18^th Desi Jigme Sengye). Unlike Bogle and his successive visitors, Hamilton did not maintain a detailed journal of his visits and the accounts remained obscure.

After a hiatus of six years, in 1783, Hastings dispatched captain Samuel Turner of the Bengal army on a mission to Bhutan. The main objectives of the mission were to cede the district of Jalpish and Fallakotta[1] to Bhutan in hope of fostering the trade relationship and open trade and establishing an embassy in Tibet. At the same time, there was also news of the incarnation of the Sixth Panchen Lama Palden Yeshe (1737-1780) in Tibet. Turner was accompanied by surveyor Samuel Davis and surgeon Robert Saunder. Turner and his party departed from Calcutta in January 1783. Turner followed the same route taken by Bogle in 1774’s mission. Turner passed through Chichacotta, Buxa Duar, and entered Bhutan’s hill after receiving the permit from Desi on 22 May 1783. After days of journey, Turner and his party reached Gygoogoo[2] at the night they could hear the galloping murmurs of the Wangchhu. On the way to Murichom[3], Turner and his party were served locally brewed drink ‘ara’ from the hollow buffalo horns followed by tea and fruits. Turner described the drink as slightly acidic but it was a ‘grateful drink’. He also observed that water was conducted using an ingenious technique through hollow bamboo[4].

At Murichom, Turner observed there were twenty houses. The ground floor sheltered domestic animals; the first storey was occupied by the family and the space between the roof and the ceiling was used as a granary. Turner observes abundant cultivated land with cinnamon trees, strawberries, raspberries, as well peach trees.   

A sketch of houses at Murichom (Yale Center for British Art, as depicted in Aris, 1982)

The next day after passing through rocky paths and an iron chain bridge, they reached Chukkha Dzong. Samuel Davis had sketched the bridge they crossed. After halting a night at Chukkha Dzong, the party left the next day. On the way, Turner was stunned by the ripened strawberries roadside and could help himself dismounting from the horse and started collecting them. As the party nears the capital Trashichodzong, he observed that more lands were cultivated and the flow of Wangchhu had slowed down. On the way, Turner also noticed heaps of manure in the fields ready to be scattered but crops were thin. Witnessing the bareness of the hills and small-sized pines, Turner viewed that soils are less fertile.

A sketch of ‘iron chain bridge’ near Chukkha Dzong (Art by James Basire, after Davis 1783, as depicted in Aris, 1982)

After almost six months on the road, Turner and his party reached Trashichodzong in June 1783. Then Desi Jigme Sengye formally received Turner and his party on 3 June 1783 inside Trashichodzong. Like George Bogle in 1774, Turner described the Bhutanese traditional ways of receiving the guest at length. The party was served buttered tea and fruits of various types were presented before them. Turner then delivered the letters of Warren Hastings and the party were offered white scarves before they leave. During the meeting on the following day, Turner took presents for Desi. After letting servants out of the room, Turner and Desi had an informal talk on various subjects. Day followed when Turner also had a meeting with three chief officers of the state: Thimphu Dzongpoen, Zhung Dronyer, and the Zimpon. One fine evening, Turner and his party had dinner with Desi, however, they were allowed to prepare their dishes. It is said that Turner offered sweetmeats and wine to Desi but gracefully declined and later Turner understood that celibates are forbidden to touch alcohol. Interestingly, Turner left some wine on the ground that Desi might be tempted, whether or not Desi drank, a few days later there was a request asking for some more wine. Unlike Bogle in 1774 who noticed Trashichodzong sheltered 1000 monks and there was not even a single woman, Turner observed about fair 500 monks and surprisingly the water carriers for the Dzongs were the prettiest of the local girls. Like Bogle’s observation, Turner watched the monks’ procession to take bathe in Wangchhu.

View of part of Thimphu valley, looking North-West (Photo credit: Victoria Memorial, Calcutta, as depicted in Aris, 1982)

While waiting for a permit to enter Tibet at Trashichodzong, Turner and his friends had plenty of time to explore the valley. Every evening, Turner and his friends went for a walk and explored the unexplored world. In one place, Turner also observed papers being manufactured from the bark of trees, Probably a Daphne tree. During their months-long stay at Trashichodzong, they witnessed a civil war as Bogle in 1774. The uprising against the Desi was led by Wangdiphodrang Dzongpoen, who was a supporter of Zhidar and had been joined by a few disgruntled officers. Turner learnt that the rebel had captured Punakha Dzong and was approaching Trashichodzong. Day followed by rebels capturing a few villages in the vicinity of Trashichodzong. After some skirmishes, the Desi’s forces defeated the rebels and the rebels fled to Wangdiphodrang. The surgeon Saunder is said to have treated a few of Desi’s soldiers who were wounded in the battle. The Dzongpon of Wangdiphodrang and his retinue escaped, taking with them most of the gold ornaments. By then, Desi had also gone Wangdiphodrang and sent for Turner to join him. 

On the following day, Turner with Davis and Saunder set off to Wangdiphodrang. After eleven hours walk with great difficulty, they reached Wangdiphodrang. Despite abundant provisions, they had a poor appetite as the culinary equipment could not be caught up with them. Turner did not have a proper rest at night as his billet was both occupied by armies and infested with rats, fleas and mosquitoes. The following day, they met Desi and suggested visiting Punakha Dzong. Turner readily accepted and felt a sense of trust toward him from the Desi. Desi even offered money for their expenses and fresh butter was sent for them daily. The party set off for Punakha and the journey was pleasant through a valley. Turner described Punakha Dzong as similar to Trashichodzong but more spacious. The Dzong was sited on the point of the peninsula between Mochhu and Phochhu. To reach the courtyard of the Dzong, a wooden bridge had to be crossed.

Punakha Dzong (Photo credit: Paul Mellon Collection, as depicted in Aris 1982)

Their journey to Punakha was futile as the overzealous gatekeeper refused to let them in the Dzong but they enjoyed the sceneries of gardens and fields. Turner observed the garden had oranges, lemons, pomegranates, peaches, apples, pears, and walnut. There was also a large mango tree laden with fruits. To his dismay, there were only some bitter lettuces, a few cabbage leaves, and potatoes the size of marbles[5]. He concludes that Bhutanese are poor gardeners but impressed as farmers. He observed that women do most of the fieldwork. In a few days, Tuner returned to Trashichodzong and soon Desi too arrived from Wangdiphodrang. In a meantime, they were joined by Buxa Subbha whom Turner had a good acquittance. He brought along the electrical hand grip as a present to Desi. The reluctant volunteers were regularly called by the Desi to be electrocuted and it became a Desi’s great source of entertainment. The surgeon Saunder was taken aback by Desi’s knowledge of medicine which prompted him to explore more about the natural remedies practised in Bhutan. Turner and his friends also visited Desi’s country home, a present day, ‘Wangditse’. After climbing the hills and reaching Wangditse, Turner found Desi seated in a pavilion on the edge of a deep precipice commanding a beautiful view of the valley, river, and Dzong. Whilst at Wangditse, Turner and Desi talk on ranging topics of interest. Turner also witnessed the bullfight on one occasion and he described one of the bulls as the strongest and fiercest he had ever seen.

The Temple of Wangditse (Photo credit: Yale Centre for British Art, as depicted in Aris, 1982)

After months of waiting, a message from Panchen Lama of Tibet arrived but to Turner’s dismay, only two people were permitted to visit Tibet. To this, Turner wrote,” It is extraordinary what absurdities and prejudices I had to combat.’ After paying last respect to the Desi, complying with the condition of the Panchen Lama, Turner and Saunder set off to Tibet, and Davis was to return home from Bhutan. The duo accompanied by a few servants took the same route as Bogle’s mission in 1774. On 11 September 1783, Turner left From Paro after spending a few days preparing for the journey ahead. From Paro, Turner crossed passed Gasa and to Tibet via Phari. Turner, while crossing a bridge which passed the guard post toward the frontier saw the ‘Yak of Tartary’[6] making a low grunting noise and their back partially whitened with frost. Turner noticed that the yak resembles the English bull except the former is covered with a thick coat of all hair. Turner gave a detailed description of the yak, “The head is rather short, crowned with two smooth round horns, which, tapering from the root upwards, terminating in sharp points……the legs are very short.” Later, Turner sent two yaks (bulls) to Warren Hasting in England and one bull arrived alive. The bull is said to have fathered many calves which all died without reproducing, except for one cow, which bore a calf in connection with an Indian Bull. Later, a famous animal painter George Stubbs painted a life bull (yak) in England. It is said that the landscape of the yak was taken from a scene of the frontier in Bhutan by Samuel Davis in 1783.

A painting of the ‘Yak of Tartary’ by George Stubbs (as depicted in Aris, 1982)

After spending almost three months at the palace of the Seventh Panchen lama in Tibet, who was then eighteenth months old, Turner and Saunder returned from Tibet in December 1783. After visiting Desi in Punakha, they parted for Bengal on 30 December 1783. While their stay in Bhutan, they made extensive visits to different places and recorded detailed observations. They were impressed by the Bhutanese ways of life, culture, and craftsmanship. Turner’s major negative observation was the Bhutanese attitude towards women. Unlike Bogle who wrote that Bhutanese women are treated equally and there were no social biases, Turner wrote that women were worse treated than anywhere. Turner viewed that woman’s sole purpose in life is to relieve men of their need to do anything. He wrote, “The Bhutanese women took little interest in their appearance, rarely bathed and changed their clothes.” Whatever their observations might be, like Bogle’s journal, Turner’s diary and Davis’s magnificent drawings provide us with greater insight into the life of medieval Bhutan.

 

Bibliography

Aris, M. (1982). Views of Medieval Bhutan: The Diary and Drawings of Samuel Davis 1783. London: Serindia Publications.

Collister, P. (1987). Bhutan and the British. London: Serindia Publications.

Phuntsho. K. (2013). The history of Bhutan. India: Random House Publishers India Private Limited.

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[1] During the Anglo-Bhutan war of 1772-1773, these two districts of Cooch Bihar were ceded by the EIC in return for an annual payment of five Tangun horses. However, in reality, these two districts were merely under Bhutanese control. Cooch Bihari claims their right to two districts.

[2] During Bogle’s mission in 1774, he wrote ‘Jaigugu’ and present-day?

[3] Bogle wrote, ‘Murijong’. Probably present-day Meritsemo in Chukkha.

[4] Conducting water through hollow bamboo is still prevalent in remote parts of the country.

[5] Whether it was or not the Bogle’s potatoes which he planted along the way to Trashichodzong in 1774, potatoes had already grown in Punakha by 1783. In contrast, Davis noted that there were no potatoes in the places Bogle initially planted. Davis assumed Bhutanese might have neglected.

[6] Turner referred to as ‘Yak of Tartary’ after the itinerant tribe Tartar, called Drukpa whom he encountered on the way to the frontier.